Marriage Pattern Change Due to Currently Increasing Uneven Sex Ratio in China
Recent research has shown that the uneven sex ratio in the country will lead to more than 30 million of the male population ending up not getting married in their whole life. Many scholars believe that this extreme sex ratio imbalance is mainly caused by the one-child policy has been in effect in China since 1980. However, despite this policy, some urban regions in the country had a two-child limit. The policy in these urban regions resulted in lowering sex ratio as compared to other regions. Consequently, the marriage squeeze appears to be more evident in rural regions of China in comparison to urban areas. Gender imbalance in the current Chinese community will consequently lead to a change in the marriage pattern https://topdissertations.com/.
Birth Planning Policies in China
The birth planning policies in China have greatly promoted the decline in the country’s fertility rates. Amongst these policies is the one-child policy that began in 1979. The policy required that all couples have only one child and that they apply for official approval before conceiving a child. The authorities encouraged compliance by rewarding those who followed the policy and punishing individuals who did the contrary. One of the effects of the one-child policy is the “missing girl” phenomenon. As the result of the program, there was a drastic change in the country’s sex ratio. For instance, China’s population registers in the 1980s revealed that millions of girls were not “present” in the population. In the late 1980s, the sex ratios were close to normal for first-order births but with each additional child, the ratio increased progressively. The sex ratio of a country is the number of boys per 100 girls. In 2000, the sex ratio of 120 was the highest in the world. The ratio was exceptionally high in Guangdong and Hainan provinces, which was at 138 and 135 respectively.
Change in Marriage Market in Response to Increasing Large Number of Excess Men
There is bound to be a marriage pattern change in response to the increasingly large number of excess men. Interprovincial female migration for marriage would become even more important. In addition, some marriages will be measured by their economic value rather than love and affection. The universal marriage culture in China, especially in rural regions, is strong. Based on the census data of 2010, the marriage rates for rural women and men aged between 25 and 39 years were 97.2% and 99.5% respectively. When there is an excess of men, as is the situation in China, there will be a decrease in men’s marriage rates as the result of a deficit of potential wives. A consequence of this is that men who have better living conditions and more resources become more attractive to the opposite sex. Consequently, they do not have to lower their criteria for choosing a wife. On the other hand, the males of inferior status would have fewer potential wives and they may lower their criteria for choosing a wife, marry at a later age, or even remain unmarried.
Men may resort to marrying women from another province for the sole purpose of getting a partner. Since the 1990s, the number of interprovincial marriages has gradually increased, and the form of migration has become more important. According to the 1990 and 2000 census, the number of interprovincial marriage migrants was nearly 1.5 million. Women formed an overwhelming majority of this number. The interprovincial migration for marriage purposes changes the pattern of marriage in that most women who do so view it as an economic strategy aimed at improving their socio-economic status. The case is especially true for women who come from poor areas. Although most of these women prefer to marry near their homes, they may prefer to marry out and in the process, escape poverty. Recent studies have indicated that partners in interprovincial marriages are mostly socioeconomically disadvantaged. It has been found that the women who migrate for marriage marry men of inferior status in the local marriage market. These men have difficulties in finding a suitable wife due to reasons such as age, previous marriages, and poverty, which forces them to resort to imported brides. The women migrants, on the other hand, are often poor and they have little education. They see that the only way to improve their economic situation is by marriage, which results in interprovincial migration for marriage.
Studies have shown that marriage migrants are more vulnerable to abuse, deception, discrimination, and abduction. In addition, the laws may not protect their rights properly. Such migrants may end up having a lower status in their marital families or region as the result of them not getting support from their natal family. They also suffer because of the differences in culture, customs, and language between their marital and natal villages. A serious form of deception that would come because of gender imbalance is the trafficking of women for long-distance marriage. The gender imbalance has resulted in the revival and spread of women trafficking for marriage in almost all provinces in China. Yunnan was among the most affected regions.
Expected Behavioral Changes as a Result of Gender Imbalance
The increase in the number of unmarried men in China has brought worries that these men would engage in crime and other anti-social behavior for them to find a marriage partner. Contrary to this belief, some other individuals of the opinion that high sex ratios would result in the improvement of male behavior. The uneven sex ratios in China have resulted in increasing competition in the marriage market, which in turn contributed to behavioral changes in some Chinese households. For instance, parents of boys have increased their savings in response to increased sex ratios. In addition, these parents are more likely to engage in entrepreneurship and are more willing to accept more unpleasant and dangerous jobs. The male population believes that the likelihood of a getting a wife increases with increase in wealth, leading to the increased savings among the males. Consequently, the expectations are that there would be a rise in the average age of husbands in response to the longer time that the males will need to spend for them to get a bride.
One consequence of the rise in the average age of husbands is that there would be an increase in the age gap between husbands and wives. Kochin and Knox created a dynamic model of the Chinese market based on the change of age gap with sex ratio. They expected that there would be an increase in re-marriage rates among widowed and divorced women. Consequently, there would be a decrease in re-marriage rates among widowed and divorced men. On the other hand, the expectations were that the immigration of brides would not absorb a significant proportion of the marriage problems because the scale of women shortage in China is large. The findings of Kochin and Knox were that if there were an allowance of the marriage age gap to vary with sex ratio then there might be fewer excess men in the Chinese marriage market.
Forces that would Offset the Sex Imbalance
One major factor that would offset the sex imbalance in China is the interprovincial migration. International migration would be another factor to consider, but it does not have significant influence due to two reasons. First, the rural areas where there is smaller bride shortage are not as rich in comparison to probable sources of brides such as Taiwanese or South Korean rural areas. Secondly, the Chinese rural population is much larger than the rural populations of Taiwan or South Korea, so immigrant brides are unlikely to provide enough brides for there to be an appreciable demographic impact in China.
The magnitude of the female interprovincial marriage between 1985 and 1990 was 1.4 million, and the leading reason for this migration during that period was marriage. This information suggests that distance is not a constraint in marriage migration as some might expect. Interprovincial migration would offset sex imbalance in that it is an important option for males to respond to the increasing marriage expense as well as the marriage squeeze in the country. The interprovincial marriages that would result would assist in relieving the shortage of marriageable women in the marriage market. However, as a result, of the marriage being by the economic exchange as opposed to affection, it has a higher risk of instability. On a positive note, there will be an increase in men’s marriage rates as the result of a decrease in the deficit of potential wives.
Through the various statistical data and research findings, it is evident that gender imbalance in the Chinese population has resulted in a change in the marriage pattern in the country. The uneven sex ratio has led to female interprovincial migration for marriage, some marriages to be measured by economic value rather than true love, and a decrease in men’s marriage rates as the result of a deficit of potential wives. Apart from these, uneven sex ratios may result in behavioral changes in males and, to some extent, of their parents, as they would try to find their sons a marriage partner. The changes may be both positive and negative. An example of a positive behavioral change brought by uneven sex ratio is the increased savings by parents and their male children. A negative change may be a case of some males involving themselves in crime for them to find a bride. It is evident that the birth planning policies in China have not been effective in improving the sex ratio; hence, it is preferable for the country to use family planning methods and education to the population for a change.
Birth Planning Policies in China
The birth planning policies in China have greatly promoted the decline in the country’s fertility rates. Amongst these policies is the one-child policy that began in 1979. The policy required that all couples have only one child and that they apply for official approval before conceiving a child. The authorities encouraged compliance by rewarding those who followed the policy and punishing individuals who did the contrary. One of the effects of the one-child policy is the “missing girl” phenomenon. As the result of the program, there was a drastic change in the country’s sex ratio. For instance, China’s population registers in the 1980s revealed that millions of girls were not “present” in the population. In the late 1980s, the sex ratios were close to normal for first-order births but with each additional child, the ratio increased progressively. The sex ratio of a country is the number of boys per 100 girls. In 2000, the sex ratio of 120 was the highest in the world. The ratio was exceptionally high in Guangdong and Hainan provinces, which was at 138 and 135 respectively.
Change in Marriage Market in Response to Increasing Large Number of Excess Men
There is bound to be a marriage pattern change in response to the increasingly large number of excess men. Interprovincial female migration for marriage would become even more important. In addition, some marriages will be measured by their economic value rather than love and affection. The universal marriage culture in China, especially in rural regions, is strong. Based on the census data of 2010, the marriage rates for rural women and men aged between 25 and 39 years were 97.2% and 99.5% respectively. When there is an excess of men, as is the situation in China, there will be a decrease in men’s marriage rates as the result of a deficit of potential wives. A consequence of this is that men who have better living conditions and more resources become more attractive to the opposite sex. Consequently, they do not have to lower their criteria for choosing a wife. On the other hand, the males of inferior status would have fewer potential wives and they may lower their criteria for choosing a wife, marry at a later age, or even remain unmarried.
Men may resort to marrying women from another province for the sole purpose of getting a partner. Since the 1990s, the number of interprovincial marriages has gradually increased, and the form of migration has become more important. According to the 1990 and 2000 census, the number of interprovincial marriage migrants was nearly 1.5 million. Women formed an overwhelming majority of this number. The interprovincial migration for marriage purposes changes the pattern of marriage in that most women who do so view it as an economic strategy aimed at improving their socio-economic status. The case is especially true for women who come from poor areas. Although most of these women prefer to marry near their homes, they may prefer to marry out and in the process, escape poverty. Recent studies have indicated that partners in interprovincial marriages are mostly socioeconomically disadvantaged. It has been found that the women who migrate for marriage marry men of inferior status in the local marriage market. These men have difficulties in finding a suitable wife due to reasons such as age, previous marriages, and poverty, which forces them to resort to imported brides. The women migrants, on the other hand, are often poor and they have little education. They see that the only way to improve their economic situation is by marriage, which results in interprovincial migration for marriage.
Studies have shown that marriage migrants are more vulnerable to abuse, deception, discrimination, and abduction. In addition, the laws may not protect their rights properly. Such migrants may end up having a lower status in their marital families or region as the result of them not getting support from their natal family. They also suffer because of the differences in culture, customs, and language between their marital and natal villages. A serious form of deception that would come because of gender imbalance is the trafficking of women for long-distance marriage. The gender imbalance has resulted in the revival and spread of women trafficking for marriage in almost all provinces in China. Yunnan was among the most affected regions.
Expected Behavioral Changes as a Result of Gender Imbalance
The increase in the number of unmarried men in China has brought worries that these men would engage in crime and other anti-social behavior for them to find a marriage partner. Contrary to this belief, some other individuals of the opinion that high sex ratios would result in the improvement of male behavior. The uneven sex ratios in China have resulted in increasing competition in the marriage market, which in turn contributed to behavioral changes in some Chinese households. For instance, parents of boys have increased their savings in response to increased sex ratios. In addition, these parents are more likely to engage in entrepreneurship and are more willing to accept more unpleasant and dangerous jobs. The male population believes that the likelihood of a getting a wife increases with increase in wealth, leading to the increased savings among the males. Consequently, the expectations are that there would be a rise in the average age of husbands in response to the longer time that the males will need to spend for them to get a bride.
One consequence of the rise in the average age of husbands is that there would be an increase in the age gap between husbands and wives. Kochin and Knox created a dynamic model of the Chinese market based on the change of age gap with sex ratio. They expected that there would be an increase in re-marriage rates among widowed and divorced women. Consequently, there would be a decrease in re-marriage rates among widowed and divorced men. On the other hand, the expectations were that the immigration of brides would not absorb a significant proportion of the marriage problems because the scale of women shortage in China is large. The findings of Kochin and Knox were that if there were an allowance of the marriage age gap to vary with sex ratio then there might be fewer excess men in the Chinese marriage market.
Forces that would Offset the Sex Imbalance
One major factor that would offset the sex imbalance in China is the interprovincial migration. International migration would be another factor to consider, but it does not have significant influence due to two reasons. First, the rural areas where there is smaller bride shortage are not as rich in comparison to probable sources of brides such as Taiwanese or South Korean rural areas. Secondly, the Chinese rural population is much larger than the rural populations of Taiwan or South Korea, so immigrant brides are unlikely to provide enough brides for there to be an appreciable demographic impact in China.
The magnitude of the female interprovincial marriage between 1985 and 1990 was 1.4 million, and the leading reason for this migration during that period was marriage. This information suggests that distance is not a constraint in marriage migration as some might expect. Interprovincial migration would offset sex imbalance in that it is an important option for males to respond to the increasing marriage expense as well as the marriage squeeze in the country. The interprovincial marriages that would result would assist in relieving the shortage of marriageable women in the marriage market. However, as a result, of the marriage being by the economic exchange as opposed to affection, it has a higher risk of instability. On a positive note, there will be an increase in men’s marriage rates as the result of a decrease in the deficit of potential wives.
Through the various statistical data and research findings, it is evident that gender imbalance in the Chinese population has resulted in a change in the marriage pattern in the country. The uneven sex ratio has led to female interprovincial migration for marriage, some marriages to be measured by economic value rather than true love, and a decrease in men’s marriage rates as the result of a deficit of potential wives. Apart from these, uneven sex ratios may result in behavioral changes in males and, to some extent, of their parents, as they would try to find their sons a marriage partner. The changes may be both positive and negative. An example of a positive behavioral change brought by uneven sex ratio is the increased savings by parents and their male children. A negative change may be a case of some males involving themselves in crime for them to find a bride. It is evident that the birth planning policies in China have not been effective in improving the sex ratio; hence, it is preferable for the country to use family planning methods and education to the population for a change.
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